Readify

Constitutional bar on indicting an incumbent president

All the President's Men

The Constitutional bar on indicting an incumbent president was the legal interpretation that the Constitution prevented a sitting president from being indicted and, by extension, from being called before a grand jury. In the Watergate investigation, the interpretation turned a question about evidence into a question about the permissible reach of criminal inquiry into the President. The account presents it as the conclusion of lawyers researching the problem and the view of prosecutors—not as a judicial ruling resolving the question.

The Constitutional Question

The issue surfaced when Carl Bernstein pressed an attorney on why prosecutors were not calling Richard Nixon before the grand jury. The attorney redirected the discussion from the evidence to the Constitution, asking whether the President could be indicted even if a case established guilt in obstructing justice. Bernstein then consulted lawyers. Their reasoning, as the book recounts it, was that if the Constitution precluded indicting an incumbent president, prosecutors could not call him before a grand jury either.

That reasoning made the question of presidential testimony inseparable from the question of prosecution. It did not amount to a finding that there was no evidence to investigate. A well-placed source described an evidentiary pattern that raised questions about Nixon’s role, while another Justice Department attorney agreed that a person other than the President would have been called before the grand jury on such a pattern. The distinction was consequential: the obstacle described was the President’s constitutional position, not an ordinary evidentiary decision that the inquiry had no basis to proceed.

From Legal Interpretation to Public Dispute

Using a Justice Department phone directory, Bob Woodward located a lawyer in the Criminal Division who said the investigation had run into the Constitution and that prosecutors now had to address how the President could be investigated. Bernstein returned to the attorney who had first raised the constitutional issue. The attorney confirmed that prosecutors believed the President could not be called, while also describing such a call as justified. The account thus preserves the tension at the center of the issue: investigators could regard questioning as warranted and still believe the Constitution prevented them from doing it.

The Washington Post reported the dispute under the headline “Prosecutors Say Quiz of Nixon Can be Justified.” The White House responded that Nixon would not testify before either the grand jury or the Senate committee, characterizing such testimony as constitutionally inappropriate and contrary to separation of powers. It also objected that the story disclosed matters from grand jury proceedings, which were legally secret. The administration asked Attorney General Elliot Richardson and special prosecutor Archibald Cox to find the sources. The account says that if an investigation into the leak was opened, the sources were never found.

Scope and Significance

The constitutional interpretation placed a boundary around one investigative method without settling the larger factual question of Nixon’s role. The distinction mattered because the inquiry described in the book included an evidentiary pattern, but the ordinary step of summoning the President was treated as constitutionally unavailable. The dispute therefore concerned both the reach of criminal investigation and the separation of powers between prosecutors and the presidency.

The surrounding Watergate reporting had traced authorization and responsibility through intermediaries: Hugh Sloan described taking telephone instructions from John Mitchell to distribute campaign money, and Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein examined H. R. Haldeman’s use of deniability to insulate himself from controversial decisions. Those accounts illustrate the broader difficulty of reconstructing responsibility through layers of action and authority; they do not, on their own, establish the constitutional rule or prove Nixon’s guilt. In the episode concerning the bar, the decisive change is narrower: the investigation’s question became not only what the evidence showed, but whether the Constitution permitted prosecutors to put the President before the grand jury at all.

Related StoryFlow