Houston, Texas
All the President's MenHouston, Texas, mattered to the Watergate investigation not simply as the home of a state campaign organization but as a place where reporters began to trace an unexplained flow of $89,000 through Mexico. Calls to committee employees, an early-morning attempt to question chairman Robert H. Allen, and confirmation from a Houston source helped connect the Texas operation to the money trail.
A Texas committee under scrutiny
In mid-August, Carl Bernstein began calling employees of the Texas Committee for the Re-election of the President. A secretary at its Houston offices told him that the Federal Bureau of Investigation had interviewed the committee’s treasurer, Emmett Moore. Moore said agents had questioned him about how money was transmitted to Mexico, including allegations that funds had moved both to and from the country.
Moore stressed that the agents’ interest was not in his own conduct but in that of Allen, the Texas committee’s chairman and president of Gulf Resources and Chemical Co. The investigators had focused particularly on Allen’s relationship with Manuel Ogarrio Daguerre, a Mexico City lawyer who represented Gulf Resources’ interests in Mexico. Houston therefore entered the reporting as the point where the inquiry’s questions about a Texas campaign organization met the Mexican connection.
The money route
The $89,000 had passed through the bank account of Bernard Barker, but investigators had not established why campaign contributions originating in Texas had been routed through Mexico. Allen did not answer Bernstein’s messages at home or at his office. On the morning Maurice Stans summoned a General Accounting Office auditor to Miami, Bernstein called Allen at his Houston home at 6:00 a.m.—5:00 a.m. in Texas. Allen declined to discuss the matter because it was before the grand jury.
A Houston source, Richard Haynes, confirmed the broader operation to Bernstein. Allen, he said, served as the conduit for funds moving to Mexico, including the $89,000 that reached Barker’s account. Ogarrio converted checks and notes Allen gave him into American dollars, in cash and in dollar drafts drawn on his account at Banco Internacional. The wider arrangement was designed to protect contributors’ anonymity: money was taken across the border, converted in Mexico City, and then sent to Washington, leaving the campaign’s guarded record of contributors in the hands of Stans.
Reporting through an evasive trail
The search for Allen and Ogarrio showed how difficult it was to turn the money’s route into a verifiable account. Allen did not respond to repeated messages, and Bernstein’s attempts to find information about Ogarrio led him through a broad telephone search that included bankers, relatives, former law partners, clients, Mexican banking commissioners, police, and law schools. The investigation yielded no immediate answer about why the money had crossed the border; the campaign’s Mexican connection was eventually uncovered in English.
Houston’s role was thus both practical and evidentiary. It was where the Texas committee’s treasurer described the FBI’s questions, where Bernstein tried to reach the chairman, and where Haynes supplied confirmation of the money-changing operation. These separate contacts helped transform an unexplained bank-account deposit into a traceable chain linking the Texas campaign organization to an intermediary in Mexico City and to funds later appearing in the Watergate inquiry.
Significance
The reporting made Houston a crucial junction in the investigation’s reconstruction of campaign finance. The city connected the committee’s local leadership and corporate ties to a cross-border process intended to obscure who supplied the money and how it reached Washington. The evidence gathered there did not by itself answer every question about authorization or use, but it established a concrete route—and made the Texas-to-Mexico movement of campaign funds part of the larger Watergate story.