Arthur Schlesinger Jr.
American PrometheusArthur Schlesinger Jr. enters the narrative through a series of public and personal acts of support for J. Robert Oppenheimer. The evidence presents him not through a full biography, but as a writer and political ally who defended the Congress for Cultural Freedom, helped press for Oppenheimer’s rehabilitation, and offered encouragement when Oppenheimer became seriously ill.
Identity and Introduction
Schlesinger is identified among the writers Oppenheimer enjoyed meeting at the annual sessions of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. The account places him in an international intellectual circle that also included Stephen Spender and Raymond Aron. It does not provide further biographical details about Schlesinger, instead establishing his presence through his association with this community and his later defense of Oppenheimer.
Defense of the Congress for Cultural Freedom
When a 1966 New York Times report revealed that the Congress for Cultural Freedom received funding from the Central Intelligence Agency, Schlesinger joined George F. Kennan and John Kenneth Galbraith in a letter to the editor defending the organization’s independence and the integrity of its officials. The signatories did not deny the CIA connection. Their response thus defended the Congress without disputing the funding disclosure, a distinction that accords with Oppenheimer’s own awareness that the connection was an open secret. Later that year, Oppenheimer described the Congress to its executive director, Nicolas Nabokov, as one of the postwar era’s “great and benign influences.”
Advocacy for Oppenheimer
Schlesinger was among the Oppenheimer defenders who lobbied John F. Kennedy during the bitter 1959 confirmation fight over Lewis Strauss’s nomination as secretary of commerce. The Oppenheimer hearing was central to the dispute. McGeorge Bundy laid out Strauss’s conduct in the case to Kennedy, who changed his vote; Strauss lost confirmation by 49–46. The account identifies Schlesinger as part of the effort to make Oppenheimer’s treatment a consequential issue in Washington, though it attributes the detailed argument to Bundy.
That advocacy continued in the effort surrounding Oppenheimer’s Enrico Fermi Award. When Kennedy announced in 1963 that Oppenheimer would receive the prize, Oppenheimer understood that friends inside the administration, including Bundy and Schlesinger, were likely responsible. He responded cautiously, saying he did not want to hurt the men who had worked to secure it. The award offered symbolic political rehabilitation, but it did not restore Oppenheimer’s security clearance—a fuller vindication that many physicists had wanted.
A Personal Message During Illness
After Oppenheimer’s throat cancer diagnosis in February 1966, Schlesinger wrote to him. He acknowledged the difficulty of the months ahead and placed Oppenheimer’s ordeal within the age’s larger dangers, telling him that he had given others an example of “moral courage, purpose and discipline.” The letter stands as the most directly personal evidence of their connection: alongside public advocacy, Schlesinger offered a private expression of respect as Oppenheimer’s health deteriorated.