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New Orleans' post-Katrina reconstruction

Five Days at Memorial

New Orleans' post-Katrina reconstruction was not a clean passage from disaster to recovery. Nearly two years after Hurricane Katrina, residents were still contending with lost homes and communities, slow or missing rebuilding assistance, disrupted medical services, and the emotional weight of the storm. The city’s outward recovery and its continuing legal and personal aftermath advanced on different timetables, leaving the promise of rebuilding inseparable from the damage that could not be reversed.

Recovery on a Delayed Timetable

By February 2007, Mardi Gras had returned, but its familiar public celebration unfolded against unresolved practical losses. Residents were still struggling to obtain insurance payments, find trustworthy contractors, and submit applications—sometimes repeatedly because earlier ones had been lost—for Road Home rebuilding funds. The festive season lifted spirits, yet the effort required simply to secure money and repair homes made recovery feel provisional rather than complete.

The book presents that frustration as part of a wider fatigue. An initial burst of post-disaster optimism and solidarity had given way to the knowledge that rebuilding and repair would take years, and that some losses could never be made whole. Much of the country had moved on, while people in New Orleans continued to speak about the storm every day. In the local newspaper, the name of Katrina appeared repeatedly beside accounts of failures and abuses of official power. The contrast between national attention fading and local consequences persisting defines the recovery period described here.

The strain was not only material. Gina Isbell had left Memorial Medical Center by boat, physically and mentally depleted; afterward, she discovered that her home and her community in St. Bernard Parish had been lost. She slept poorly, experienced nightmares about her patients, and felt guilty about the staff she had selected to work during the storm and the patients who died. Later, even the return of news about the grand jury could not erase the trauma: she remained angry that help had arrived too slowly and regarded herself as permanently changed by the disaster. Her experience makes reconstruction more than a measure of buildings repaired; for some, the community and sense of self that had been damaged could not simply be restored.

Medical Services in a Changed City

The recovery also exposed the altered geography of medical care. Louisiana State University had not reopened Charity Hospital in New Orleans after the storm. Instead, it sought state and federal support for a long-planned new hospital, while Earl K. Long Medical Center in Baton Rouge took up some of the work. For patients and staff, the absence of the New Orleans hospital was therefore not just a question of replacing a building: it shifted pressure onto another public institution while plans for a replacement remained unresolved.

Anna Pou continued operating, but limited her clinical work to Earl K. Long Medical Center. Its operating-room air conditioning was unreliable, and she sometimes worked under hunting headlamps. That stark detail captures the distance between continuing to provide care and restoring dependable conditions for care. Pou questioned her surgical academy’s practice of sending surgeons overseas when, in her view, Louisiana itself had needs comparable to those found in places described as developing. Meanwhile, the state medical board had neither sanctioned nor investigated her, and she was named director of Louisiana State University’s residency training program for her specialty. Her professional responsibilities continued even as the city’s medical infrastructure remained unsettled and the deaths at Memorial were still under scrutiny.

The consequences of that disruption also extended beyond Louisiana. In 2010, a United States disaster medical team working in Port-au-Prince after the earthquake included members who had served at the New Orleans airport after Katrina. The team struggled with failing supply lines and unreliable access to oxygen and electricity. That later episode does not describe New Orleans rebuilding itself, but it shows how the experience of Katrina remained present in disaster medicine: the problems of maintaining care when ordinary supplies and infrastructure fail had not become merely historical.

Trauma and the Work of Remembering

The storm’s aftermath continued through the lives of medical workers as well as through the condition of institutions. Karen Wynn’s preparation to testify before a possible grand jury brought the hospital events back with a force that could leave her struggling for weeks afterward. She recognized symptoms of post-traumatic stress in herself and colleagues and believed they might remain for life. She had spent a quarter century working at Memorial, often putting patients and managerial responsibilities ahead of family time; after Katrina, she no longer wanted that level of responsibility. Her joking wish to sell shoes instead of returning to nursing sat beside a serious sense that she had given up part of herself at the hospital.

John Thiele’s later critical illness offered another, distinct form of aftermath. During weeks of sedation, he experienced frightening distortions and repeatedly felt, in his recollection, as though he were underwater and unable to surface. A nurse who had served at Memorial believed he seemed remorseful when they spoke briefly about his role in the hospital events. Thiele later rejected that interpretation and said he remained confident in what he had done. His condition, he emphasized, was potentially reversible, a distinction he considered crucial when comparing his own treatment with the patients at Memorial. The account does not resolve that ethical dispute; instead, it shows how the storm’s decisions continued to be revisited through illness, memory, and sharply different understandings of responsibility.

Investigations and the Limits of Closure

Public accountability formed another part of the city’s unfinished aftermath. In September 2007, the owners of St. Rita’s Nursing Home were acquitted of all charges brought against them. Six weeks later, Charles Foti lost his reelection bid after a campaign by Anna Pou’s supporters to unseat him. Those outcomes did not settle every question raised by the disaster. Before leaving office, Foti’s Medicaid Fraud Control Unit closed its investigations into other health-care facilities, including Lindy Boggs Medical Center, where the sickest patients had been left behind, and Touro Infirmary, where Odun Arechaga had been abandoned for dead and later found alive. The cited closing memoranda judged successful prosecution unlikely; federal officials also ended their part of the joint investigations, referring to the unsuccessful outcomes in the Memorial and St. Rita’s cases.

The sequence reveals how legal closure and social recovery could diverge. Investigations ended, but their endings did not restore the patients who had died, resolve all the disputes over decisions made in hospitals, or remove the consequences for workers who had lived through the crisis. The grand-jury proceedings and the other facility investigations kept the disaster in the local news even as residents tried to secure money, repair homes, and rebuild daily life. In this account, reconstruction remains a prolonged and uneven condition: buildings and services could be repaired or replaced, while trust, professional confidence, and community life remained marked by what had happened.