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LSD

How to Change Your Mind

LSD became more than a new psychiatric drug: it became a test of how science interprets experience. Its effects could be understood as temporary psychosis, a route to spiritual insight, a therapeutic shock, or a source of creative fluency—and the setting and expectations of a session helped shape which of those meanings participants encountered. The compound’s history therefore follows not only its chemistry but also the changing frameworks through which researchers, therapists, and users tried to explain it.

Chemical origins and early circulation

LSD, also known as LSD-25 or acid, was synthesized in 1938 by Albert Hofmann, a Swiss chemist at Sandoz searching for a medicine that might stimulate circulation. It was the twenty-fifth compound he derived from alkaloids produced by ergot, a fungus that infects grain. Hofmann set the molecule aside after it proved medically ineffective. Five years later, prompted by a premonition, he synthesized it again and accidentally ingested a small quantity. The resulting experience revealed its powerful psychoactive properties. Hofmann’s first trip, in 1943, was unusual in another respect: he had no prior expectations to organize what happened, and remained uncertain whether he had encountered madness or transcendence.

Sandoz began marketing LSD as a psychiatric drug under the name Delysid in 1947. When the compound became available to researchers around 1950, its novelty left both clinicians and the company unsure what it might be for. Beginning in 1953, the United States Central Intelligence Agency was also conducting classified psychedelic research, confronting its own uncertainty over whether LSD might function as a truth serum, a means of mind control, or a chemical weapon. The parallel investigations underline how little the drug’s effects could be understood through its chemical identity alone: researchers had to decide what kind of experience it produced and what, if anything, that experience could accomplish.

The drug’s action is associated with the brain’s 5-HT2A receptor, which also responds to serotonin. LSD binds particularly well to this receptor; part of the receptor folds around the molecule and holds it in place, a feature that may help explain the intensity and duration of its effects. That account describes a molecular interaction, but it does not by itself settle the meaning of the resulting experience—a distinction that would run through decades of debate.

From simulated psychosis to therapeutic experience

The first influential psychiatric interpretation cast LSD as a psychotomimetic: a drug that mimicked psychosis. From the outside, volunteers could appear to show signs resembling schizophrenia, including altered body image, depersonalization, changes in the boundaries of the self, synesthesia, emotional lability, distorted time, delirium, hallucinations, and paranoid delusions. Standardized psychiatric tests, including Rorschach inkblots and the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory, could produce results resembling those of psychotic patients. Sandoz initially promoted Delysid in this vein, as a possible research tool for understanding schizophrenia and helping clinicians empathize with their patients.

In the years before 1962, when Congress gave the FDA authority to regulate new investigational drugs, clinicians commonly took experimental substances themselves. Within that practice, experiencing LSD firsthand could be regarded as an ethical responsibility rather than an eccentric indulgence: a clinician who had not taken the drug risked treating patients as test subjects without understanding what they might undergo.

Humphry Osmond and Abram Hoffer developed a more dramatic application of the psychosis model in their work with alcoholism. They proposed that a single high-dose session might induce a delirium resembling delirium tremens, the severe withdrawal state, and thereby shock a patient into sobriety. Over the following decade they tested the approach on more than seven hundred alcoholics. They reported that roughly half became sober and remained so for at least several months, and argued that the experience itself—not merely the chemical—was central to the treatment. This emphasis on what participants felt challenged a psychology dominated by behaviorism, which privileged observable outcomes and treated subjective experience as inaccessible or scientifically irrelevant.

The treatment’s apparent success did not fit neatly with its original theory. When Osmond and Hoffer examined session accounts, participants’ experiences often bore little resemblance to delirium or madness. Hallucinations, paranoia, and anxiety did occur, but reports also described heightened sensory experience, the ability to see oneself objectively, and a feeling of being united with the world. The mismatch between the theory and the reports helped move attention away from LSD as a mere imitation of illness and toward the experience as a possible therapeutic agent.

Attempts to test the alcoholism treatment under more restrictive conditions produced a further dispute. Some volunteers were blindfolded or physically constrained, and their experiences did not reproduce the outcomes reported by Osmond and Hoffer; some endured frightening sessions. Critics concluded that the treatment worked less well under rigorous controls, while its supporters argued that the conditions of a session were essential to its effects. The disagreement made set and setting central to the debate: procedure could not be treated as an incidental backdrop when the surroundings and participants’ expectations might shape the experience itself.

A spiritual and experiential framework

Bill Wilson, cofounder of Alcoholics Anonymous, approached LSD through the possibility of spiritual change. He had credited his sobriety to a mystical experience after receiving belladonna at Towns Hospital in Manhattan in 1934. In the mid-1950s, after learning of Osmond and Hoffer’s work, Wilson wondered whether LSD might help recovering alcoholics undergo a similarly life-changing awakening. Beginning in 1956, he had several sessions in Los Angeles with Sidney Cohen and Betty Eisner. His interest connected the drug’s experimental use to a spiritual dimension already important to Alcoholics Anonymous: the possibility that an experience could help bring about surrender to a higher power.

As researchers struggled to name and classify these effects, the terminology shifted. The label psychotomimetic foregrounded resemblance to mental illness. In 1957, Osmond introduced psychedelic, a word built from Greek roots meaning mind-manifesting. Its intended neutrality allowed for neither madness nor ecstasy as the default interpretation; it suggested an enlargement or expansion of mind. The vocabulary changed as the interpretations changed, and the new word would itself acquire associations that its originator had not intended.

Expectation made that interpretive uncertainty consequential. Psychedelic experience could be constructed in part by what a participant had been told to expect: a spiritual encounter, temporary insanity, access to the collective unconscious, cosmic consciousness, or the trauma of birth. The book describes these self-fulfilling influences as expectancy effects. The influence extended beyond the session room. Aldous Huxley’s 1954 account helped give later psychedelic experience an Eastern mystical coloring, and Timothy Leary and his Harvard colleagues amplified that orientation in a manual based on the Tibetan Book of the Dead. The drug’s effects were therefore shaped not only by immediate instructions but also by ideas already circulating in literature and popular culture.

By the mid-1950s, psychedelic therapy had developed a recognizable form: usually one high dose of LSD in comfortable, home-like surroundings, with the participant lying on a couch, eyeshades on, music playing, and one or two therapists present but speaking little. The arrangement was intended to limit distractions, turn attention inward, and allow the experience to unfold toward a spiritual epiphany or conversion. The session was a carefully designed environment, not simply a dose administered in a clinical room.

From clinical practice to creativity research

LSD’s proposed uses widened beyond the treatment of illness. Al Hubbard sought to organize researchers and extend psychedelic work beyond medicine’s focus on patients. In 1955 he established the Commission for the Study of Creative Imagination, recruiting Osmond, Hoffer, Huxley, Cohen, other researchers, philosopher Gerald Heard, and a United Nations official. The commission’s practical scope is uncertain, but its existence marked a growing divide between medical and spiritual approaches. Cohen resigned in 1957. Hubbard, despite his title as scientific director, said his interest was moving beyond what empirical manipulation could reach. The purpose of psychedelic work was shifting, well before Leary’s cultural-revolutionary turn, from psychotherapy toward broader transformation.

That ambition found a testing ground among engineers and other professionals in the technology community around Menlo Park. In 1956, electrical engineer Myron Stolaroff traveled to Vancouver for a session with Hubbard. Sixty-six micrograms of Sandoz LSD led him through an experience that he later described as ranging from terror to ecstasy: he witnessed a sweep from the planet’s formation to human life and the trauma of his own birth. The experience convinced him that LSD had opened a new path, and he began bringing colleagues together to discuss its possible value for healthy people seeking to realize their potential.

Stolaroff and Willis Harman established the International Foundation for Advanced Study in 1961. With an FDA research permit and LSD and mescaline supplied through Hubbard, the foundation worked with about 350 clients over six years. The typical client was described as a healthy person or a healthy neurotic outpatient; a five-hundred-dollar package included personality testing before and after a guided session, along with follow-up. Stolaroff left Ampex to devote himself to the work, while Don Allen joined as a screener and guide. The foundation also explored whether LSD could assist creativity and problem-solving.

In one experiment, groups of four artists, engineers, architects, and scientists received a dose of one hundred micrograms while working on projects on which they felt stuck. The researchers deliberately shaped expectations and the setting, telling participants they would be fascinated by their intellectual capacities and solve problems in new ways. Participants reported more fluid thinking and a greater ability to visualize and recontextualize problems; the researchers said that novel and effective solutions emerged. Among the subjects were William English and Doug Engelbart, figures who would later help revolutionize computing. The study was uncontrolled, depended on participants’ own assessments, and ended before completion, so it offered a possible research avenue rather than a decisive demonstration.

Withdrawal and an interrupted research era

The open supply that had helped make such varied work possible also had a clear endpoint. From 1949 to 1966, Sandoz offered researchers LSD without charge, interpreting researcher broadly enough to include therapists willing to report their clinical observations. The policy helped launch the first wave of psychedelic research. In April 1966, as controversy around LSD mounted, Sandoz withdrew Delysid from circulation and transferred most of its remaining stocks to the United States government. Many of the roughly seventy research programs then under way shut down. In May, Timothy Leary and Sidney Cohen testified at Senate hearings, attempting to distinguish legitimate research and treatment from the illicit market.

The withdrawal did not resolve what LSD was or what its experiences meant. It ended a period in which clinicians, spiritual seekers, and researchers had tried competing interpretations in practice: psychosis model, alcoholism treatment, spiritual awakening, and creative aid. The same compound could be framed as a temporary imitation of madness or as an opening onto forms of experience that conventional psychology had set aside. That tension is the substance of LSD’s historical significance: the drug repeatedly exposed how medical aims, research methods, cultural expectations, and the conditions of a session helped determine what counted as its effect.

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