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Russia

Last and First Men

Russia occupies a pivotal but unstable place in the book’s history: its communal political ideals and intuitive, mystical culture offer a possible counterweight to Western individualism, yet economic dependence and misdirected hostility undermine that promise. Its story moves from a distinctive cultural renewal after revolution to a widening split between creed and practice, then to devastation in the Russo-German War and the survival of Russian influence beyond the weakened state.

Cultural and Political Character

After the Bolshevik revolution, a new artistic and intellectual culture arose in Russia’s towns and metropolis. It combined iconoclasm and vivid engagement with the senses with an unusual capacity for detachment from private desire. The book contrasts this tendency with the emphasis in America and Western Europe on individual lives and exceptional persons: where Western social loyalty often appeared as a sacrifice made by the individual, Russians were inclined to value the group, God, or nature as something greater than the person.

The narrative presents this orientation as both a possible strength and a source of instability. Russia’s intuitive apprehension of human smallness within a larger order could reach a conclusion that Western thinkers approached through difficult intellectual argument. But intuition without sufficient critical discipline could become confused, erratic, and explosive rather than a guide to conduct. The text therefore imagines Russia and Western Europe as needing to temper one another: Russian social and spiritual insight required critical intelligence, while the West could learn from Russia’s capacity to think beyond the individual.

The revolution also changed the social meaning of citizenship and wealth. The old regime gave way to a proletarian government that remained an oligarchy and could be bloody and fanatical, but abolished the former class tyranny and encouraged even the humblest citizen to take pride in membership of the community. A native indifference to material possessions reinforced the change. Compared with societies where wealth absorbed attention through accumulation and display, Russia devoted more of its energies to instinctive enjoyment and cultural life.

A Promised Renewal and Its Limits

For a time, Russia’s townsfolk seemed to be making a fresh adjustment to the changing conditions of modern life. Their culture spread outward to the peasants, while a growing population across Asia looked to Russia not only for machinery but also for ideas. Russia consequently appears as more than a national power: it is a prospective source of a new social and intellectual orientation, one that might have turned the wider decline of the human species toward renewal.

That possibility was compromised by isolation. Boycotted by the West after the revolution, Russia passed through a period of self-conscious cultural excess. Communism and naïve materialism hardened into dogmas, criticism was suppressed, and citizens were taught to regard their country as humanity’s savior. Economic isolation eventually became a constraint, however, and intercourse with the West gradually resumed. With contact came a more productive exchange: Russian intuitive detachment could be expressed in terms of Western intellectual criticism, while iconoclasm and instinct were brought under greater discipline. Contact with peasant culture and Asian peoples also helped Russian culture hold together both Western disillusionment and Eastern ecstasy.

The renewal failed to become secure. American financial influence increasingly shaped the Russian state, while the practice of communism eroded and the official materialist creed rang false to a culture for which such materialism was foreign. The resulting divide between political practice and stated doctrine made the culture increasingly insincere. The reversal is central to Russia’s trajectory: the society that had seemed capable of reconciling collective purpose with cultural vitality became compromised by the very dependence that helped sustain its industrial organization.

Finance, Rivalry, and the Russo-German War

Russia’s economic position made its political contradictions international. Industrial organization had proved difficult to maintain without American capital, and United States influence extended across Russian lands from the Baltic toward the Himalayas and the Bering Strait, encompassing agriculture, timber, oil, and industrial towns. Yet Germany, rather than the United States, became the symbol of capitalism in the Russian mind. Hostility toward Germany offered a way to displace the anger that might otherwise have been directed at the United States, whose finance had helped produce Russia’s departure from its communist ideal.

The conflict was also intensified by competition over resources. Germany resented being pushed out of profitable Russian enterprises, especially the exploitation of oil in Russian Asia. As oil supplies dwindled and the remaining fields became increasingly important to political power, economic rivalry acquired strategic force. The book stresses the irony that the United States was the greater source of Russia’s financial dependence, while Germany bore much of the resulting antagonism. American encouragement of Russian hostility helped redirect the conflict away from the power on which Russia relied.

The Russo-German War arose from this economic pressure and from a sentimental crisis. A German author’s book divided humanity into a supposedly heroic Nordic element and a supposedly servile Slavonic one, describing the Russian as an anthropoid sub-man. Moscow demanded an apology and suppression; Berlin expressed regret while defending freedom of the press. Radio hostility escalated, and war followed. The episode shows how political antagonism could fasten onto a cultural insult even when neither side had sought war and both claimed to stand for peace and internationalism.

Destruction and Political Aftermath

The war’s decisive consequences fell on western Russia. Moscow, Leningrad, and Berlin were shattered from the air, and poison gas rendered a broad tract of western Russian territory infertile and uninhabitable for years. The fighting ended within a week because the newly uninhabitable expanse separated the combatants. Yet the war’s effects travelled far beyond its immediate battle zone: changing winds carried the poison into other parts of Europe and western Asia, damaging crops and harming the young and the old. The conflict thus converted Russia’s entanglement in international finance and national rivalry into a disaster with continental consequences.

Afterward, the European Confederacy brought the nations of Europe together under a common authority and pooled their armaments, but Russia remained outside it. The book describes this unity as insecure even within the Confederacy, and as increasingly bound to common fear of the United States rather than to a fully shared loyalty. The war helped consolidate that European sentiment while leaving Russia isolated from the political arrangement formed in its aftermath.

Legacy Beyond the State

Russia’s influence outlasts the strength of its own state. After the Russian state’s collapse, Russian culture continued in the East: its mysticism influenced India, and its social ideal influenced China, though China adopted neither the theory nor the practice of communism. Those inheritances give Russia a legacy distinct from its military and financial history. Its social thought could travel even when its institutions could not, but the earlier failure to reconcile communal aspiration, critical thought, and economic dependence remains the defining tension of its role in the book.