Henry Todd and Kami Noru Sherpa's collaboration
The ClimbHenry Todd and Kami Noru Sherpa’s partnership was a practical alliance at the center of Himalayan Guides’ Everest operations: Todd organized a commercial expedition, while Kami served as its sirdar, or manager. Their record of cooperation had brought both men success, but their work also exposes the uneven structure of commercial climbing, in which Sherpa expertise and dangerous labor supported expeditions whose fees and route decisions were largely controlled by foreign organizers.
Roles and Working Partnership
Kami Noru Sherpa was in his mid-thirties, married, and the father of three children. He belonged to a generation of Sherpas who had moved from traditional dress into the cash economy of mountaineering, taking paid roles in an industry that drew heavily on their knowledge and labor. In 1996, as in several preceding years, he worked for Himalayan Guides, the Edinburgh-based commercial adventure company led by Todd, as its Everest expedition sirdar.
Todd, a fifty-one-year-old Englishman, had moved from a career as a rugby player into expedition packaging. Himalayan Guides had never lost a client, and the book attributes part of the company’s success to Todd’s practical approach and good fortune in the mountains, as well as to his cooperative relationship with Kami. The partnership was therefore not merely a hiring arrangement: Kami’s role in managing the Sherpa work force and Todd’s responsibility for the commercial expedition were complementary parts of the operation.
That cooperation took place within a labor system in which Sherpas did a wide range of work, from carrying loads and cooking to the more dangerous work of high-altitude support. The pay recorded for such labor varied from $2.50 to $50 a day. The contrast between that daily range and the $65,000 fee Todd identified as a benchmark for attracting Everest clients makes visible the unequal financial scale surrounding the partnership: the expedition’s commercial prospects depended on workers whose compensation was described in daily wages.
The 1995 Success and the Anxious Return
In spring 1995, Todd offered a commercial expedition to Everest from the Tibetan side. Eight of his climbers reached the summit, making the expedition an unqualified success. Todd and Kami emerged from that season with momentum, but not complacency. By March 1996, both were anxious about the year ahead, and their successful history did not remove the uncertainties of a new expedition.
One source of unease was a conspicuous comet. Kami drew Todd’s attention to it and was disturbed by its presence. Asked what it meant to him and the other Sherpas, Kami replied, “We don’t know. We’re not liking it.” Todd understood the comet as a superstition, yet treated the concern seriously because it came from people who knew the mountain best. The exchange captures a difference in interpretation without reducing the partnership to a clash: Kami and other Sherpas regarded the sign as troubling, while Todd, though skeptical, recognized that their apprehension mattered.
The practical problems were just as immediate. In late March, winter snow had not melted enough for Todd’s yak caravan to travel safely along the trail to the Everest Base Camp, 5,300 meters above sea level. Some Sherpa porters managed to pass along a narrow, snow-packed route, but the broader supply effort had slowed because expeditions depended on yak teams to carry the quantities of equipment and provisions they required. The delay threatened to become more than a logistical headache: the summit weather window was brief and closed with the monsoon, so arriving without adequate supplies could squander the entire journey.
Puja, Departure, and the Work on the Mountain
On March 29, at his stone house in Pangboche, Kami held a puja, a ritual of thanks to the mountains and prayer for blessing. Five Buddhist monks gathered with Kami and other Sherpas hired for Everest. At the end of the ceremony, the monks gave each Sherpa a protective amulet made of knotted red string; the men accepted the strings with bows and wore them around their necks. The ritual gave formal shape to a concern that had already surfaced in Kami’s reaction to the comet: the mountain was not only terrain to be provisioned and climbed, but a force whose favor the workers sought.
Over the following days, as the snow continued to melt, Kami and the other Sherpas left their homes for the Everest Base Camp to join the expeditions that had hired them. Their work included establishing camps, carrying loads up the mountain, and cooking for and serving climbers. The partnership between Kami and Todd thus belonged to a larger chain of labor connecting village households to foreign-led expeditions: the sirdar’s management role linked the company’s plans with the people who made those plans physically possible.
Todd’s experience of expedition commerce also extended beyond his own team’s operations. In the 1997 Indonesian expedition account, the narrator describes a contest over who would fix the Icefall route, work for which the organizers could receive payments from other expeditions. Todd and Mal Duff secured the Icefall contract, and Duff and his Sherpas hurriedly fixed the route the narrator’s team would use. This episode shows the commercial environment in which Todd operated, but it does not establish that Kami was involved in that particular negotiation.
Labor, Infrastructure, and the Limits of the Record
The later account of the Icefall contract turns from individual cooperation to the structure of the trade. The narrator criticizes a system in which expedition leaders could take substantial sums for use of a route fixed through Sherpa labor, while teams that did not contribute Sherpas still paid to use it. The Pangboche Sherpa Cooperative briefly sought to collect the larger payment, but competition for the $10,000 to $20,000 remained intense. The passage anticipates a future in which climbing Sherpas would fix the entire route to the summit as contractors and Nepalis would control access to the mountain more directly.
The same account cautions against treating a strong Sherpa team as something that could be assembled instantly. The narrator says that developing a group able to work together with equal strength and skill takes years of repeated ascents and consistent financial support. That observation gives context to Kami’s sustained employment with Todd: the partnership rested on accumulated experience and working cooperation, not simply on the availability of local labor. Yet the text does not describe every term of Kami’s contract or assign him a specific role in the later Icefall negotiations. Its evidence instead places his work within a broader tension between the essential contribution of Sherpas and the foreign organizers’ control of expedition business and infrastructure.
The book also records other commercial details of the 1996 season, including Todd’s sale of oxygen equipment to Mountain Madness and the eventual accounting of bottles at Camp IV. Those facts illuminate the equipment transactions and supply pressures surrounding Everest expeditions, but they do not, by themselves, establish Kami’s personal involvement in those dealings. What the narrative does establish is the durable basis of his relationship with Todd: several seasons of employment, a successful 1995 expedition, and a cooperative division of responsibilities as the 1996 season approached. Their partnership was effective within the commercial system, while the account around it keeps visible the Sherpa labor, pay disparities, risk, and control of routes on which that system depended.