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British Empire

The Ownership Wars: Who Owns You

British Empire functions in the book less as a mapped location than as a historical model of predatory capitalism. It is invoked to explain how an economic order can enrich a ruling minority while presenting exploitation, racial hierarchy, and political subordination as ordinary features of freedom and prosperity.

Definition and Historical Setting

The book identifies the British Empire as the pioneer of “full-blooded predatory capitalism,” a form of capitalism in which the interests of the Ownership Class take precedence over social welfare and collective rights. In this account, the empire provides the historical setting for the early form of the class conflict associated with Karl Marx: workers, understood as the 99 percent, were portrayed as broadly hostile to the Ownership Class, while the ruling elite controlled wealth and political power.

London is also relevant to this framing because Karl Marx preached communism and violent insurrection while living in London, the capital of the British Empire, and was buried there. The reference turns the imperial capital into an emblem of the contradiction at the center of the book’s history: radical criticism of capitalism emerged from within the metropolitan heart of the system it condemned.

Wealth, Slavery, and Class Power

The book connects the British imperial model to the plantation economy of the American South. It describes the old Confederacy as a microcosm of contemporary predatory free-market capitalism, with a rich elite owning and ruling everything, cheap labor used to maximize profit, and politicians functioning as paid servants of the super-rich. Within this analogy, African slaves were treated as property, received no wages or rights, and were exposed to torture, rape, and killing with impunity.

The argument emphasizes that slavery was not an accidental deviation from capitalism but a mechanism for reducing costs and maximizing profit. The Confederacy is therefore presented as a later expression of an economic logic already associated with the British Empire: labor becomes an exploitable input, regulation is treated as an obstacle, and state power is weakened or captured rather than used to protect the vulnerable.

The book also stresses the class consequences for poor whites. Working-class whites competed with enslaved people who were paid nothing, making well-paid employment difficult to obtain, yet many still fought and died in the service of the elite. Their compensation was described as both a narrow share of the wealth and the racial satisfaction of knowing that Black people received no share at all. This pattern is used to explain how subordinate groups can be recruited to defend an order that harms them materially when racial hierarchy offers them a compensating sense of status.

From Imperial Capitalism to the Confederacy

The British Empire supplies the historical background for the book’s claim that the American Civil War was fundamentally a conflict over the permissible nature of capitalism. For the Confederacy, slavery was considered an acceptable capitalist practice because it reduced labor costs to zero. The book extends this logic to contemporary conservatives and libertarians, arguing that their hostility to government interference can preserve the possibility of treating people as property.

This historical comparison culminates in the claim that the Trump insurgency is “The Confederacy: The Sequel,” a return to far-right conservative rule founded on racism, white supremacy, and ultra-plutocracy. The analogy is not offered as a neutral historical comparison; it is the book’s central polemical device for linking imperial exploitation, Confederate slavery, and modern political support for billionaire power.

Political and Ideological Legacy

The book presents the British imperial order as an example of how elites preserve themselves by dividing the broader population. It argues that the original capitalist arrangement left workers united against the Ownership Class, whereas the later creation of a middle class produced conservative intermediaries who aspired to join the elite and served as its agents, managers, gatekeepers, and enforcers. In this interpretation, class hierarchy survives partly because sections of the subordinate population are induced to identify upward with power rather than horizontally with other workers.

That account is carried into the analysis of Donald Trump. Bernie Sanders is cited as saying that Trump attracted people who believed the economic and political elites had forgotten them. The book answers that grievance by insisting that Donald Trump himself is a senior member of the economic elite, the billionaire plutocratic 1 percent, and the Ownership Class. The alleged opposition between Trump and “the elite” is therefore described as a manufactured conflict between a conservative elite and a liberal political or media elite, while the overarching economic elite remains intact.

The same framework appears in the book’s discussion of the Republican Party and the right wing. Supporters who believe they are resisting Washington, Wall Street, or liberal institutions are said instead to be advancing the agenda of the Ownership Class. The book’s proposed remedy is a positive-liberty state capable of ending plutocratic rule, while its historical model for decisive action is the Jacobins’ destruction of reactionary leadership during the French Revolution.

Narrative Significance

British Empire gives the book a historical vocabulary for interpreting present-day inequality. It is not treated merely as a past empire but as the origin point of a recurring structure: concentrated wealth, unfree or underpaid labor, racial division, weak public restraints, and political institutions serving property. The Confederacy becomes the American reproduction of that structure, and Donald Trump becomes its contemporary political representative.

The book ultimately turns this history into a call for abolition rather than reform. It invokes Abraham Lincoln as the figure who used the positive-liberty state to end the Confederacy as a physical entity, then argues that a new Lincoln is needed to end the Confederacy as a mental entity: the ideology of unrestrained predatory capitalism. The British Empire thus functions as the deep historical backdrop against which the book defines its enemy and its proposed struggle for social capitalism, meritocracy, and the Common Good.