August Babel
The Second SexAugust Bebel is presented as a socialist theorist whose comparison between women and the proletariat helped explain how women’s economic subordination might be challenged. In Simone de Beauvoir’s account, his argument gives productive labor a central place in emancipation, but its promise of equality through economic change does not resolve the distinct problems of reproduction, sexuality, and women’s solidarity with men.
The Comparison Between Women and the Proletariat
Bebel’s comparison emerges from a question about why women, though as numerous as men, have remained subordinate. Women differ from groups whose oppression followed a specific historical event: they have always existed, have been dispersed among men, and have not formed a separate community with a shared political identity. In this respect, Beauvoir considers the parallel with the proletariat especially apt. Proletarians, too, are not a numerical minority, and their existence as a class results from historical development rather than numerical weakness.
The comparison also identifies a possible basis for collective liberation. Bebel writes that women and the proletariat are both oppressed and should be freed through the same economic development, driven by the upheaval caused by machines. Women’s entry into production could give them a material basis for independence, just as workers’ collective position makes their liberation an economic and political question rather than a matter of abstract goodwill. For Beauvoir, this is a substantial advance over arguments that treat women’s position as a fixed consequence of biology.
Industrial Work as a Route to Emancipation
The nineteenth-century expansion of industry makes Bebel’s claim concrete in Beauvoir’s historical account. Machinery reduces the importance of physical strength in many jobs, while industrial growth creates demand for a workforce larger than male workers alone can supply. Women consequently leave the home for paid work on a scale that transforms their economic role. Beauvoir calls this change a major revolution in women’s situation: employment can provide a route toward dignity and independence, and industrial production makes that route materially possible.
Bebel’s position is closely associated with the argument that women cannot be emancipated while confined to domestic labor. Beauvoir cites his formulation that emancipation requires women to participate in production on a large social scale and to be bound to housework only incidentally. The change in labor organization is therefore not merely an increase in women’s employment; it is supposed to alter the structure that makes women economically dependent and keeps domestic work subordinate to socially recognized production.
Beauvoir also sets this promise against the conditions under which women entered industry. Employers welcomed women partly because they accepted lower wages, while male workers feared that cheap female labor would threaten their own position. In France, a survey covering 1889–93 found that a woman received only half a man’s pay for a day’s equal work. Economic participation opened a path to independence, but low wages and hostility could reproduce subordination within the workplace. Women’s organization in unions becomes essential in Beauvoir’s account: only through such integration could women defend their interests without being used against the wider working class.
The Limits of Economic Reduction
Beauvoir treats Bebel’s framework as illuminating but incomplete. The parallel between women and workers cannot be carried so far that sexual difference disappears into class conflict. Workers become conscious of themselves against the class that exploits them, and their political aim can be the end of class division. Women, by contrast, are bound to men through a shared life and interests; they do not seek the disappearance of their sex, but the abolition of the consequences imposed on them because of sexual difference. Their situation therefore cannot be reduced to that of workers alone.
Reproductive life is a decisive limit to an account centered on productive capacity. Beauvoir argues that women’s reproductive function matters both to social organization and to individual life; at some historical moments, having children has been treated as more useful than cultivating the land. Women’s fertility has often gone largely unregulated, and for many the result was a succession of pregnancies. Although contraceptive methods existed in some periods, they were not broadly accessible across history. These conditions make clear why economic employment by itself cannot settle the question of women’s freedom.
Nor, Beauvoir insists, does changing ownership or abolishing the family automatically end male domination. She points to Sparta and the Nazi regime as examples in which women could be attached directly to the state and remain oppressed by men. A socialist society would therefore need an ethic that pursued justice without suppressing individual liberty, and that assigned responsibilities without abolishing freedom. Pregnancy and motherhood cannot simply be treated as another job or service: they engage a woman’s time and energy as well as values and choices central to her life.
Historical and Political Significance
Bebel’s argument belongs to a broader socialist hope that technological change and women’s employment might transform the organization of gender and labor. Beauvoir recounts Engels’s related thesis that the rise of private property helped establish patriarchal authority, while modern industry could reverse women’s exclusion by requiring their labor. Bebel’s comparison makes visible the shared economic structure of women’s and workers’ oppression, and his prediction culminates in the prospect of a socialist society in which men and women would be equal as workers.
That conclusion is also the point at which Beauvoir’s reservations matter most. Economic development can create new possibilities, but it does not by itself explain the original desire for domination, the persistence of women’s dependence, or the specific bond between the sexes. Nor does the category of worker encompass the burdens and choices of reproduction. Bebel’s contribution is thus presented neither as a complete account nor as a discarded one: it identifies productive labor as a necessary condition of emancipation while leaving unresolved the wider social and personal transformations required for women to become free subjects.