postwar era
The Wisdom of CrowdsThe postwar era was a period in which scientific teamwork and the circulation of shared knowledge expanded rapidly, making collective inquiry an increasingly important way to solve complex problems. The book connects this change to a broader principle: distributed expertise can be more powerful when people retain room to specialize but can also combine what they learn.## The growth of scientific collaboration The contrast between the popular image of science as the work of a solitary genius and the actual organization of modern research became especially clear after the Second World War. Collaboration had been relatively rare before the First World War, began to change in the decades before the Second, and proliferated in the postwar years. Experimental researchers increasingly worked in large groups, and papers with ten or twenty co-authors became ordinary. The scale could be far greater: the 1994 discovery of the top quark was credited to 450 physicists.
This shift reflected the division of cognitive labor. Scientific fields and their subfields had become too specialized for one person to master all the necessary knowledge, while sophisticated experimental equipment called for distinct skills. Collaboration let researchers combine different kinds of expertise actively, rather than relying only on what could be learned from books, and made interdisciplinary work more feasible. The result was not merely a larger pool of information but a collective capacity to pursue problems that exceeded the reach of an isolated researcher.## SARS and distributed discovery The global effort to identify the cause of SARS illustrated the speed and form this collective capacity could take. In early February 2003, China’s Ministry of Health told the World Health Organization that 305 people in Guangdong Province had suffered a severe respiratory disease since November 2002 and five had died. As further cases appeared in Hanoi and Hong Kong, the WHO issued a global warning and activated a surveillance system. Because the illness spread from person to person, tracing it mattered; finding its cause was also essential to enable testing and perhaps a vaccine.
On March 15 and 16, the WHO contacted eleven laboratories across countries and territories including France, Germany, Japan, the United States, Hong Kong, and China. They agreed to work together, beginning a collaborative research project on March 17. Each day, researchers held teleconferences, posted electron-microscope images, analyses, and test results to a WHO website, and exchanged virus samples. Working simultaneously on the same material allowed laboratories to check one another’s findings and to eliminate candidate causes quickly.
By March 21, researchers at Hong Kong University had isolated a promising virus; that same day, scientists at the Centers for Disease Control in the United States independently identified a coronavirus. Its possible role was initially surprising, since coronaviruses were known to make animals very sick but usually caused mild effects in humans. Over the following week, laboratories found the coronavirus in samples from many SARS patients, while teams in Germany, the Netherlands, and Hong Kong began sequencing it. In early April, infected monkeys in a Netherlands laboratory developed full-blown SARS. By April 16, just a month after the collaboration began, the laboratories were confident that the coronavirus caused the disease.
The discovery could not be credited to one person alone. Electron microscopist Cynthia Goldsmith first spotted the coronavirus at the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention laboratory in Atlanta, but establishing that it caused SARS required weeks of work across the network. Work that ruled out other viruses also narrowed the field. The group of laboratories collectively discovered the cause: separate teams could have spent months or years pursuing it, while coordinated research brought an answer within weeks. The WHO helped create the network but did not dictate each laboratory’s tasks or methods. Shared data and daily discussion supplied common ground; the laboratories themselves organized their investigations, choosing promising questions and using their particular analytical strengths.## Shared knowledge and scientific trust Scientific work is collective not only when researchers explicitly collaborate, but also because the institution of science depends on open exchange. Scientists generally publish important results and make data available for scrutiny rather than keeping discoveries to themselves. Others can reassess the evidence, challenge conclusions, and use published data to build hypotheses and design further experiments. Each researcher depends on work by predecessors and contemporaries; even a failed hypothesis can help peers by showing them where not to search.
Publication alone does not make a result accepted knowledge. The book distinguishes the existence of a natural fact from the scientific community’s establishment of its evidentiary status: the coronavirus caused SARS before the WHO announced the finding, but it became an accepted scientific explanation through scrutiny and agreement. Laboratories worldwide began developing tests and possible vaccines on the premise that the virus caused SARS because the scientific community had reached a consensus. In the account associated with Robert K. Merton, a scientific contribution enters the common fund of knowledge when it is accepted, provisionally, by the community.
That acceptance depends substantially on trust. Experiments should be replicable, but most scientists will not personally repeat most other researchers’ work. They rely on data and on the assumption that experiments were conducted as reported, so a hypothesis is often judged credible by scientists who have not tested it themselves. As Michael Polanyi argued, someone who fails to reproduce a well-known experiment may first suspect a lack of skill rather than the accepted result. Constantly repeating other people’s experiments would divert researchers from new work, and any replication would itself depend on numerous untested procedures and materials. Replication and the exposure of fraud remain important; the point is not that scientific truth is relative, but that science requires both fair dealing among competitors and collective judgment about which claims are trustworthy.## A wider pattern of collective problem-solving The book places the postwar growth of scientific teamwork alongside other examples of coordination through distributed knowledge. In May 1968, when the U.S. submarine Scorpion disappeared while returning to Newport News after duty in the North Atlantic, the Navy knew its last reported location but not what had happened or how far it had traveled after its final radio contact. The initial search area was a circle twenty miles wide and thousands of feet deep. Rather than ask a few submarine and ocean-current experts to select a location, naval officer John Craven assembled mathematicians, submarine specialists, and salvage personnel. Each independently wagered on alternative scenarios, including why the submarine ran into trouble, its speed toward the ocean bottom, and the steepness of its descent. Craven combined the guesses using Bayes’s theorem to estimate the submarine’s final location. No single estimate supplied the answer; the collective picture made one possible.
The same problem of combining specialized knowledge appears in the book’s account of decentralization. Local expertise and independence can increase the information available to a group, but they do not guarantee that what is learned in one part of a system will reach the rest. Before September 11, the U.S. intelligence community had specialized agencies but lacked a mechanism to aggregate judgments as well as information. The book’s distinction is consequential: the remedy is not necessarily to place all analysis under a single central authority, but to create ways of sharing and combining what independent participants know. Across science, intelligence, and the search for the Scorpion, the postwar era’s significance lies in the organizational challenge of joining local knowledge without erasing the diversity that produced it.