Carolina Basic Constitution
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyThe Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina was a blueprint for an aristocratic colonial society: it assigned vast estates to a landed elite, placed hereditary laborers at the bottom, and restricted the legislature’s authority. Formulated for the Province of Carolina in 1663 by its eight proprietors, including Sir Anthony Ashley-Cooper, with his secretary John Locke, the document aimed to make colonial government compatible with monarchy and to avoid a numerous democracy. Like a similar plan for Maryland, it failed to establish the rigid hierarchy it envisioned. Settlers’ ability to choose among opportunities in the New World, and their demands for land and political rights, helped defeat proprietary control.
Origins and Political Purpose
The constitutions arose from an effort to reproduce in North America a society organized around landed privilege. In 1663 eight proprietors founded Carolina, and Ashley-Cooper and Locke formulated a governing document that, like the earlier Charter of Maryland, set out an elitist hierarchy. Its preamble declared the aim of making the province’s government agreeable to the monarchy and avoiding the creation of a numerous democracy. The document was therefore not simply an administrative plan: it stated a political purpose, namely to prevent colonial government from resting on broadly distributed political participation.
A Prescribed Social Hierarchy
The proposed order placed hereditary laborers, called leet-men, at its base. Clause 23 declared that their children would also be leet-men in every generation, making their subordinate status permanent by design. Above them, landgraves and caziques were to constitute an aristocracy. Each landgrave was to receive 48,000 acres, and each cazique 24,000 acres. These enormous allocations translated social rank into control of land, while the leet-men’s lack of political power fixed the contrast between those who governed and those expected to work under the system.
The proposed parliament did not provide an independent counterweight to the proprietors. Landgraves and caziques would be represented in it, but the assembly could debate only measures already approved by the eight proprietors. Representation thus remained bounded by prior approval from the colony’s ruling body. The arrangement preserved a legislative form while withholding the capacity to set its own agenda.
The Limits of Proprietary Rule
The constitutional design belonged to a broader series of attempts by English elites to restrict political and economic rights to a privileged few, as in Virginia and Maryland. In Carolina, however, the plan encountered a central practical obstacle: settlers could not readily be forced into a rigid hierarchy when the New World offered them other options. To attract and retain workers, those seeking to govern had to provide incentives. Settlers in turn pressed for greater economic freedom and further political rights, undermining the conditions on which the proprietors’ scheme depended.
Maryland offers a parallel, though distinct, outcome. There, settlers insisted on acquiring their own land and compelled Lord Baltimore to establish an assembly. In 1691 the assembly persuaded the king to make Maryland a Crown colony, removing the political privileges of Baltimore and his great lords. In the Carolinas a prolonged struggle likewise ended with the proprietors losing control: South Carolina became a royal colony in 1729. These outcomes show how colonial demands for land and political participation eroded the proprietary arrangements that had been designed to keep power concentrated.
Legacy and Significance
By the 1720s, all thirteen colonies that would become the United States had similar governmental structures, with a governor and an assembly elected on a franchise for male property holders. These were not democracies: women, enslaved people, and people without property could not vote. Yet political rights were broad in comparison with those of contemporary societies elsewhere. The assemblies and their leaders later coalesced in the First Continental Congress in 1774, a prelude to independence. They asserted the right to determine their own membership and taxation, claims that created conflict with the English colonial government.
The constitutions’ importance lies both in the hierarchy they prescribed and in the failure to make that prescription durable. The case illustrates the distance between designing institutions on paper and enforcing them in a society where settlers had alternatives and could press for land and a political voice. Rather than securing an enduring aristocratic order, the failed project formed part of a wider colonial development in which assemblies acquired authority the original proprietors had sought to reserve for themselves.