Gamal Abdel Nasser
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyGamal Abdel Nasser was the central figure in Egypt’s post-1952 military regime, which joined sweeping state control of the economy to limited social inclusion without establishing pluralistic political institutions. His government expanded education and offered some opportunities beyond those available under King Farouk, but it also expropriated foreign investment and brought much of the economy into public ownership. The book treats the tension between these policies and the regime’s political structure as central to understanding both Egypt’s development and its later turn toward crony capitalism.
Rise and Economic Transformation
The Egyptian Revolution is described not as a broad social revolution on the model of North Korea’s communist transformation, but more as a coup by a group of military officers. Under Nasser, the new regime nevertheless pursued an avowedly socialist course: it sided with the Soviet Union in the Cold War, expropriated foreign investments—including the British-owned Suez Canal—and took much of the economy into public ownership.
This transformation differed from North Korea’s in its starting conditions. North Korea could expropriate former Japanese assets and build on the economic model of the Chinese Revolution, making a more radically communist economy easier to construct. Egypt’s military government arose from a different political rupture and did not establish the same degree of party control over society and economic life.
Inclusion and Political Limits
Nasser’s period brought some inclusive elements into Egypt’s economic institutions. The state opened the education system and provided opportunities that had not existed under King Farouk. These measures mattered, but they did not amount to political pluralism: the account characterizes the arrangement as an unstable combination of extractive political institutions and partially inclusive economic ones.
The distinction is important to the book’s broader argument. Economic access and social opportunity can expand without a corresponding redistribution of political power. In Egypt, the military regime remained the political framework within which economic change occurred, leaving the gains and limits of inclusion subject to the priorities of those who controlled the state.
Shift Toward Crony Capitalism
When Egypt changed sides in the Cold War and became pro-Western, the military could shift from central command toward crony capitalism as a method of extraction. The change was relatively easy and expedient, but it did not end the extractive character of the system. Instead, economic advantage could be directed toward those favored by the regime.
The book contrasts this arrangement with North Korea’s more stifling system. Egypt performed better economically in part because its institutions were less extractive: the regime had to placate its population, and crony capitalism created at least some incentives for investment among its favored groups. Such incentives were absent in North Korea. The comparison is not a claim that Egypt’s arrangement was inclusive overall; it shows how differences in the intensity and form of extraction could produce different economic outcomes.
Legacy in the Book’s Argument
Nasser’s rule provides an example of how political institutions shape economic institutions, and how the latter distribute wealth and opportunity. His government’s education reforms and public ownership could coexist with political extraction because limited economic inclusion did not displace the military’s hold on power. Later movement toward crony capitalism altered the instruments of extraction without removing that underlying political structure.
The account therefore places Nasser’s Egypt between two contrasting models: North Korea’s more comprehensive command system and the later Egyptian system, where connected interests could invest and profit. The difference helps explain variation in economic performance, while the persistence of extractive political power explains why neither model should be mistaken for broad, secure access to economic opportunity.