Judicial Reform Act
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyThe Judiciary Reorganization Bill was Franklin D. Roosevelt’s 1937 attempt to alter the federal courts by requiring retirement at age seventy and allowing him to appoint as many as six additional Supreme Court justices. Although Roosevelt defended the measure as a way to address an overburdened judiciary, its practical effect would have been to weaken the Court’s resistance to his New Deal laws. Congress stripped out the court-expansion provisions, and the episode became an example of pluralistic institutions resisting an effort to concentrate power.
Background: The Court and the New Deal
Roosevelt framed the proposal as a response to a Supreme Court that, in his view, had abandoned the proper limits of judicial review. He recalled that the Constitution had not expressly granted the Court the power to review legislation for constitutionality, though the Court had assumed that role in 1803. He accused the justices of acting as policymakers rather than giving statutes the benefit of reasonable doubt. The dispute was therefore about more than the fate of particular New Deal measures: it concerned who should set the boundaries of federal policy and how far an elected president could go in reshaping the institution that reviewed it.
The bill’s proposed retirement rule and appointments were closely connected to that political conflict. Compulsory retirement at seventy, combined with authority for Roosevelt to appoint up to six new justices, would have allowed him to alter the Court’s composition. The justices who had most forcefully opposed the New Deal had been appointed by earlier, more conservative administrations; the plan would have given Roosevelt a means to remove their influence without formally abolishing judicial review.
Roosevelt’s Proposal and the Opposition
Roosevelt argued that he had an electoral mandate for change and presented the bill as a constitutional way to bring new members into the courts. He also claimed that the older justices were overworked. Those arguments offered an administrative rationale for a measure whose consequences were plainly political: new appointments could make the Court more receptive to the administration’s legislation.
The response exposed the limits of Roosevelt’s support. Public-opinion polls indicated that only about 40 percent of the population favored the plan. Justice Louis Brandeis, despite sympathizing with much of Roosevelt’s legislation, opposed the effort to erode the Supreme Court’s power and rejected the claim that the justices were overworked. Roosevelt’s Democratic Party held large majorities in both houses, but the House of Representatives largely refused to take up the bill. The Senate Judiciary Committee then held contentious hearings and returned the proposal with a negative report, calling it a needless and dangerous abandonment of constitutional principle.
Congressional Rejection and the Bill’s Outcome
The Senate voted 70 to 20 to send the bill back to committee for revision. The court-packing provisions were removed, leaving Roosevelt unable to change the Supreme Court’s composition through the mechanism he had proposed. The defeat did not mean that the Court rejected every major New Deal measure: the Social Security Act and the National Labor Relations Act were subsequently ruled constitutional. But the bill itself failed to give the president a way to overcome judicial opposition by adding seats to the Court.
The outcome showed that electoral popularity and legislative majorities did not automatically translate into control of every institution. Even members of Roosevelt’s own party had reason to resist allowing a president to reshape the judiciary for immediate political advantage. The same institutional balance that constrained Roosevelt also protected Congress from the prospect of a president bypassing legislative bargaining and ruling by decree.
Significance: Institutional Restraint
The episode illustrates the distinction between pursuing policy within a pluralistic system and weakening the constraints that make that system pluralistic. The bill was presented as a solution to a judicial problem, but its proposed remedy would have let the executive influence the Court’s composition. Congressional resistance preserved the judiciary as a constraint on presidential power, even though that constraint had frustrated parts of Roosevelt’s program.
The book places this conflict alongside other cases in which powerful actors encountered limits imposed by institutions. Its comparison with attempts by presidents in Peru and Venezuela to close uncooperative legislatures emphasizes the danger that a claim of popular mandate can become a justification for dismantling checks on executive authority. The Judiciary Reorganization Bill did not produce that outcome: Congress rejected its central provisions, preserving the balance of power that the proposal had put under pressure.