Mary Douglas
Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and PovertyMary Douglas appears in the book as an anthropologist whose study of the Lele and Bushong supplies evidence for its institutional explanation of economic difference. Her comparison focuses on two related peoples living on opposite banks of the Kasai River: their shared origins, related languages, and similar houses, clothing, and crafts make the divergence between them difficult to attribute to geography or broad cultural difference.
The Lele and Bushong comparison
In the 1950s, Douglas and historian Jan Vansina documented a sharp contrast in material circumstances. Douglas described the Lele as poor and the Bushong as rich, observing that the Bushong had more of what the Lele possessed and could do it better. The comparison is not simply a difference in income: it extends to how each society produced food and goods, what tools people used, and how safely they could move through their surroundings.
The Lele produced mainly for subsistence, whereas the Bushong produced for market exchange. Douglas and Vansina also found that the Lele did not hunt with nets, although nets could increase productivity. Douglas interpreted their absence as consistent with a broader reluctance to invest time and labor in equipment whose benefits depended on long-term use. This was a difference in practice, not evidence that the Lele did not know about the technology.
Farming, security, and institutions
Agricultural organization made the contrast especially clear. The Bushong practiced mixed farming, planting five crops in succession through a two-year rotation. They cultivated yams, sweet potatoes, manioc, and beans, and gathered two, sometimes three, maize harvests a year. The Lele lacked this system and obtained only one annual maize harvest. Differences in production thus rested not on a single tool but on sustained methods of organizing labor and cultivation.
The two groups also experienced different levels of order. The Lele lived in dispersed fortified villages that were frequently in conflict; travel between villages or into the forest to gather food carried a risk of attack or kidnapping. Such incidents were rare in Bushong country. The book connects these contrasts to political organization: the Lele villages did not form a unified political structure, while political institutions developed east of the river under the Bushong.
Around 1620, Shyaam led a political revolution that established the Kuba Kingdom, with the Bushong at its center. Shyaam and his successors built a more centralized state with a bureaucracy for raising taxes, a legal system, and a police force. Councils constrained leaders by requiring them to consult before making decisions, and the kingdom even had trial by jury. Yet this institutional structure was not popular government: it was highly absolutist and extractive, with policy directed from above and no vote for the people.
Douglas’s contribution to the argument
Douglas’s observations help distinguish explanations that the comparison does not support. Geography cannot explain why the neighboring peoples used different farming and hunting technologies, and ignorance is insufficient because the Lele knew about Bushong tools. Nor did Douglas find a general cultural aversion to technology: the Lele showed eagerness to buy firearms, technologies that did not require the same long-term collaboration and effort as nets or more durable equipment. The evidence therefore directs attention to the political institutions that made different forms of production, investment, and order possible.
In the book’s broader argument, Douglas’s work is valuable not as a portrait of an isolated cultural trait but as a situated comparison of practices and institutions. The Kasai separates societies with substantial similarities, while the political order on each side helps account for differences in exchange, farming, technology, and everyday security. Her research thus supports the book’s claim that prosperity is shaped less by supposedly fixed cultural dispositions than by the institutions through which people coordinate work, enforce rules, and invest for the future.