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Bayer promotes heroin as a non-addictive medicine

Dopesick

Bayer’s promotion of heroin as a nonaddictive medicine transformed a recently synthesized opiate into a commercial product for ordinary ailments. The company presented it as a safer substitute for morphine, advertised an extraordinary range of uses, and distributed it to doctors across continents. The episode stands as an early example of the opioid industry’s recurring promise that a powerful drug could relieve suffering without creating dependence—a promise echoed decades later in marketing for OxyContin.

Discovery and commercial promise

Heroin’s commercial story began with the search for alternatives to morphine. Fourteen years after a legislature declined a bill intended to curb morphine use, Bayer chemist Heinrich Dreser found a little-noted discovery in the pharmaceutical archives: a British chemist had made diacetylmorphine in 1874 while investigating nonaddictive substitutes for morphine. Bayer’s researchers now had a compound with striking potency. Heroin was more than twice as powerful as morphine, which was itself ten times stronger than opium.

The medical setting made a new cough remedy appear especially valuable. Pneumonia and tuberculosis were leading causes of death, and antibiotics did not yet exist. Dreser believed heroin could suppress coughing as effectively as codeine, an opium derivative whose addictive qualities were already known, while avoiding that drawback. The drug was first tested clinically in 1897, initially on rabbits and frogs and then on Dreser and employees of the Bayer dye factory. Dreser recognized its commercial potential and, the following year, presented it to the German medical academy as a treatment whose sedative and respiration-depressing effects could help patients with asthma, bronchitis, and tuberculosis.

A medicine for the whole household

Bayer’s sales proposition went well beyond cough relief. Dreser described heroin as suitable for baby colic, colds, influenza, joint pain, and other complaints; the company also claimed that the drug could strengthen respiration. Bayer presented it as a cure for alcoholism and morphine abuse, making the new substance appear capable of treating not only common illness but dependence on another opiate as well. In this account, heroin was not framed as a narrowly limited or exceptional intervention. It was a versatile family medicine.

The company’s assurances depended on the claim that use would not produce dependence. Bayer’s company doctor told fellow physicians that he had treated patients with heroin for weeks without observing dependency. The statement lent clinical authority to the product’s central commercial promise, even as the scope of its proposed use expanded. Thousands of free samples went to doctors in the United States and Europe, accompanied by testimonials asserting that addiction was scarcely possible. The distribution strategy carried reassurance along with the drug: physicians received both a product to prescribe and a confident account of why dependence need not be expected.

International reach and ordinary use

By 1899, Bayer was producing a ton of heroin annually and selling it in twenty-three countries. In the United States, heroin appeared in cough drops and baby-soothing syrups. Its consumers included not only war veterans but middle-aged barbers, teachers, shopkeepers, and housewives. Many were able to function and conceal their use while their supply remained steady and they did not take too much. The drug’s reach therefore extended through ordinary medical products and domestic life, rather than being confined to a visible group of patients or a single indication.

That pattern complicates the distinction between prescribed treatment and addiction. Some consumers were using a doctor-approved product and could maintain a hidden habit so long as access continued. The apparent normality of use did not establish that the drug was harmless; it could instead make emerging dependence harder to recognize. The book places Bayer’s claims against a longer history in which opium-derived medicines had repeatedly been put to medical and commercial uses, while physicians later warned that prescribing practices could create morphine dependence. By 1900, more than 250,000 Americans were addicted to opium-derived painkillers. Bayer’s account of heroin as a safe remedy belongs within that larger history of medicinal use expanding faster than confidence about its risks.

A recurring promise in opioid marketing

The book draws a historical parallel between Bayer’s assurances and later promotion of OxyContin by Purdue Pharma. In the 1990s, Purdue’s David Haddox promoted OxyContin for chronic pain and repeated a claim that addiction rates were below one percent; a company training session described doctor-caused addiction as exceptionally rare. The parallel is not evidence that the two campaigns were identical. It is the recurrence of a reassuring formula: a powerful opioid could be broadly prescribed, while the risk of dependence was represented as negligible when the medicine was used as directed.

That later message met a medical culture increasingly organized around treating pain. OxyContin’s 1996 introduction coincided with the adoption of pain as the fifth vital sign, and the Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organizations made pain-assessment and treatment standards mandatory in 1999. Purdue’s budget materials identified those standards as an opportunity to position the company as a leader in pain management. The company planned hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of branded pens, resource binders, wall charts, and clipboards for clinical settings. Meanwhile, pain scores made an invisible and subjective experience easier to standardize, although the book notes that the measurements could give an appearance of objectivity without reliably improving outcomes and were associated with increased opioid prescribing and abuse.

Bayer’s heroin campaign and later opioid marketing belong to different periods, but their juxtaposition reveals a persistent tension between therapeutic ambition, commercial promotion, and the limits of knowledge about dependence. In each case, a drug’s usefulness was presented alongside claims that its addictive potential was minimal. The history makes the gap between those claims and the consequences of widespread availability central to understanding how medical reassurance can help normalize powerful drugs before their risks are fully confronted.