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Aldo Bellini–Sabbadin relationship

Conclave

Aldo Bellini and Giulio Sabbadin form one of the Conclave’s most consequential candidate-and-strategist partnerships. Bellini brings intellectual stature and a clearly articulated reform outlook, but rejects active campaigning for the papacy; Sabbadin turns support for him into a coordinated electoral operation, assigning allies to court different groups of cardinals. Their alliance exposes a central tension of the election: a candidate may sincerely resist power while his supporters work methodically to obtain it for him.

Roles and Political Alignment

Bellini is presented as the liberals’ great intellectual hope, a former rector of the Gregorian University and former Archbishop of Milan. Sabbadin, Archbishop of Milan and known for cynicism, is described as the person nearest Bellini has to a campaign manager. The distinction matters: Bellini supplies the candidacy and its public position, while Sabbadin attends to the arithmetic, networks, and practical work needed to turn favorable impressions into votes.

Sabbadin’s political reach is also grounded in his place among the Italian cardinals. At dinner, he sits with a group that includes several senior church figures and curial officials; he is not merely an observer of Bellini’s prospects but an organizer operating within a wider network of potential supporters. His ability to coordinate that network contrasts with Bellini’s reluctance to make personal appeals.

The First Ballot and the Work of Coalition

Before the first ballot, Sabbadin expects Bellini to receive between twenty and twenty-five votes and to be ahead initially. He treats that position as only a beginning: securing the two-thirds threshold requires seventy-nine votes, and the serious effort, in his view, will start after the opening result. His estimate places Bellini among the leading candidates but makes clear how far a plurality remains from election.

The first ballot confirms both Bellini’s strength and the scale of the challenge. The field is unusually dispersed: thirty-four cardinals receive at least one vote, and the leading contenders remain close. Bellini’s support stalls near the end of the count, while votes for other candidates, including Lomeli and Benítez, arrive among the final names announced. The result makes Sabbadin’s earlier emphasis on coalition-building more urgent; a strong first showing alone cannot deliver the required majority.

On the following evening, Sabbadin describes the election as a matter of arithmetic under a formal prohibition on electoral pacts. The leading candidates and their supporters are already working across regional and ideological groups: Tedesco speaks with South American cardinals, Tremblay listens to Southeast Asians, Adeyemi meets conservative archbishops from Eastern Europe, and Bellini is placed with North Americans to discuss greater autonomy for bishops. The gap between the rule and the practical conduct of the election gives Sabbadin’s organizing a distinctly political character: he is helping Bellini compete in a process whose formal ideals do not remove the need for coordination.

Bellini’s Refusal and Sabbadin’s Strategy

Bellini makes his position explicit at the dinner table. He says that he dreads the papacy, will not conceal his views to win votes, and does not want his colleagues canvassing on his behalf. He then leaves the meal. The departure is not treated by Sabbadin as a reason to suspend the campaign. Instead, Sabbadin opens a small black notebook and divides the work: one ally is assigned North Americans and British and Irish cardinals, another the South Americans, Sabbadin takes Italians wary of Tedesco, and another is asked to approach African cardinals.

The contrast between Bellini’s withdrawal and Sabbadin’s brisk delegation defines their partnership. Bellini’s refusal is consistent with his professed reluctance, but it does not prevent a campaign from being built around him. Sabbadin considers that reluctance genuine and says it is one of the reasons he supports Bellini: in his judgment, the dangerous candidates are those who actively desire the office. His support therefore rests not only on Bellini’s prospects or policies but on the moral significance he assigns to the candidate’s lack of ambition.

Institutional Stakes and the Limits of the Alliance

Bellini’s reform commitments give the alliance stakes beyond the contest for votes. In recounting the late Pope’s pontificate, Bellini describes an effort to require financial transparency, proper accounts, disclosure, competitive tenders, and receipts, followed by the appointment of accountants and management consultants to examine files. He recalls that the reforms provoked hostility within the Curia and that repeated public embarrassments and attacks from traditionalist opponents left the Pope increasingly isolated. The account places Bellini’s reform outlook in the context of an institutional conflict that shapes the election, though it does not establish Sabbadin’s personal role in those earlier measures.

The alliance is thus practical without being reducible to a simple agreement about power. Sabbadin works to assemble votes for a man who has forbidden him to canvass, while interpreting that resistance as evidence of fitness rather than an obstacle to be respected literally. Bellini’s name remains a focal point for a coalition that must cross national and political lines; Sabbadin’s organizational labor gives that coalition form. Their relationship embodies the Conclave’s recurring contradiction between personal reluctance, organized ambition on a candidate’s behalf, and the institutional arithmetic required to choose a pope.