Harry S. Truman–Eisenhower relationship
TrumanThe relationship between Harry S. Truman and Ike was shaped by the difficult passage from political distance to personal reconciliation. After Ike succeeded Truman as president, their encounters were marked first by disappointment and missed contact, then by shared mourning and renewed conversation. The shift was gradual rather than dramatic: neither political rivalry nor private hurt disappeared, but moments of restraint and common grief softened the estrangement.
The Armistice and the Burden of Credit
The Korean armistice brought the contrast between the two men into sharp focus. Asked about the settlement, Ike answered simply, “The war is over, and I hope my son is coming home soon.” Truman, who had not attained an armistice during his presidency, gave no public comment for attribution. The account describes him as understandably resentful that his successor had achieved what he had failed to accomplish, but also emphasizes that this did not become political rancor. He kept his disappointment private and thanked God that the fighting had ended.
In a letter to a friend, Truman made clear that he placed the cessation of combat above any contest over recognition: “Of course I’m happy about the truce in Korea. It doesn’t make any difference about the credit for holding back Soviet aggression. The fact that the shooting has stopped is a very satisfactory one.” His response held two truths together: Ike had achieved the outcome Truman had wanted, and Truman regarded the end of the fighting as more important than who received credit. His silence in public was therefore not evidence that the result meant nothing to him; it was part of a deliberate refusal to turn the armistice into a personal score-settling exercise.
Political Distance and a Missed Meeting
The distance between them was visible again the following October, when Ike came to Kansas City to speak to the Future Farmers of America and stayed at the Muehlebach Hotel. Truman telephoned, hoping to pay his respects, but an aide said Ike’s schedule was too full for a meeting. Truman was shattered by the refusal. Ike’s office later explained that the person who answered the call may have thought it was a crank call. The explanation did not undo the hurt: an ordinary attempt at contact had ended in a rebuff, whether intentional or not.
Their political positions also kept them apart. During a later campaign, Truman urged voters to support the Democratic ticket, telling a correspondent that he had arrived in Chicago to find things lifeless and had decided to wake them up. He wrote, “I am going to do all I can to help win this election. How I wish I were ten years younger!” He campaigned in Milwaukee, Texas, Boston, New York, San Francisco, Gary, Indiana, and Pittsburgh. In Pittsburgh, Truman and Ike stayed at the same hotel but never met. Their proximity made the political division unusually concrete: they were in the same place, amid the same campaign season, yet did not come together. A month after the Democratic defeat and Ike’s reelection, Truman told Lyndon Johnson that the Democratic Party had to remain a party of the people if it was to win. His continuing political commitment did not prevent later reconciliation, but it made clear that personal repair would not mean abandoning his partisan role.
Shared Grief and Gradual Reconciliation
The death of George C. Marshall offered a different setting. At a brief Episcopal funeral service in the chapel at Fort Myer, Truman and Ike sat side by side in the front pew. Their common grief, the account observes, partly eased the strain between them. The moment did not resolve their differences in a formal way; its significance lay in the shared loss and in their presence together at the front of the service.
In November 1961, they were again seated together at a funeral, this time for Sam Rayburn in Bonham, Texas. Twenty thousand people stood outside the crowded church in the cold. Truman and Ike occupied the same front pew as John F. Kennedy, the young president. For Truman, who remembered Rayburn with affection, the ceremony was especially painful. The public image of the two former presidents beside Kennedy carried the gravity of their age and experience, while privately the occasion marked another step in what had become a slow reconciliation. The return of the same arrangement—a funeral, a front pew, and grief held in common—gave their improving relations a quiet recurrence.
Conversation After the Kennedy Assassination
After John F. Kennedy was assassinated, Truman travelled to Washington despite his failing health. Bess Truman was ill and could not make the trip; Margaret Truman and Clifton Daniel joined him at Blair House. Truman looked so unwell that a doctor was called, and he went upstairs and ate dinner in bed. The next day, however, he attended the funeral and graveside services. Afterward, he returned to Blair House in the same car as the Eisenhowers.
For about an hour, Truman and Ike spoke in the front parlor at Blair House. The length and setting of the conversation matter: after years of political separation and missed opportunities, they sat together privately following a national tragedy. Ike then returned to Gettysburg, and Truman flew back to Missouri. The meeting did not erase the past, but it extended the reconciliation visible at the Marshall and Rayburn funerals into direct conversation.
A Final Tribute
When Ike died in 1969, Truman was staying in Key West with Margaret, Clifton, and their children. The news came amid a succession of losses among Truman’s former colleagues and friends. He wrote a gracious tribute to Ike. By then, the relationship had passed beyond the earlier competition over political success and the pain of missed contact. The evidence of its later form is spare but telling: shared seats at funerals, a long conversation after Kennedy’s death, and a respectful tribute after Ike’s passing. Reconciliation did not make them close political partners; it allowed respect and common experience to outlast disappointment.