Paul Nitze
TrumanPaul Nitze was a senior policy planner whose work helped frame the United States’ response to the emerging Cold War. As the new head of the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. Department of State, he became the principal producer of NSC-68, a report that urged a vast military buildup and presented the conflict with the Soviet Union as a danger to the survival of the free world.
Institutional Role and Policy Debate
Nitze entered a debate over whether the United States should develop the hydrogen bomb. George Kennan, David Lilienthal, and J. Robert Oppenheimer opposed proceeding: Kennan and Lilienthal were nearing retirement, while Oppenheimer also doubted the weapon’s technical feasibility. Nitze, newly leading the Policy Planning Staff of the U.S. Department of State, agreed with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. In his view, the Soviet Union’s possession of an atomic bomb meant the United States should move ahead with the hydrogen bomb and strengthen its conventional forces as well.
Producing NSC-68
Nitze’s most consequential documented assignment was the preparation of NSC-68, formally identified as Paper No. 68 of the National Security Council. He produced it primarily under the direction of Dean Acheson, with participation from the Defense Department. The report was ready by the end of the first week in April, reached Harry S. Truman on April 7, and was discussed with him for the first time at a National Security Council meeting on April 25.
The report was designed to startle its readers. Its opening cast the United States as being in deep peril despite its strength, and it argued that containment could not succeed without superior overall military power. Nuclear weapons alone would not suffice; the report anticipated that the Soviet Union might achieve nuclear equality by 1954. This argument joined the hydrogen-bomb debate to a broader claim about the military foundations of American policy.
The Report’s Demands and Significance
NSC-68 called for a massive military buildup and acknowledged that the financial burden would be extreme. Although the report itself included no cost estimates, the figures discussed with Truman ranged from $40 billion to $50 billion a year—at least three times the existing military budget. The scale of the proposal made clear that Nitze’s analysis concerned not just a new weapon, but a substantial expansion of national military capacity.
The report’s conclusion framed the Cold War as a real conflict in which the survival of the world was at stake. Nitze’s role in producing it placed him at the center of an argument for linking containment to greatly increased conventional and nuclear strength. The evidence establishes the report’s delivery and discussion, but does not specify Truman’s decision or the subsequent implementation of its recommendations.